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President Lee Myung-bak may feel he has done his best giving a special press conference a few days ago and reshuffling his secretaries. What's more, through additional beef talks, he has secured American cooperation with respect to preventing exports of beef from older cattle. It is perhaps as a result of this that the numbers of ordinary citizens participating in the candlelight vigils have dwindled day by day. "You may demand other things, but never the resignation of the leader," a prominent progressive has said. Businesspeople have openly resisted threats to their advertising in particular dailies. Young rightwing netizens have begun organizing themselves: "nonodemo" is a case in points. Mass protests against MBC and KBS have been translated into action. Should the trend continue, the worst of the situation may be said to be over. And a desire to see that happen will be the common denominator for people of common sense.
It's a fact, however, that the process has opened a wound that will be difficult to cure. To begin with, it is doubtful if the government be able to regain its authority in the next five years. Parents, once their authority is thought little of, cannot hold their own against their sons and daughters-in-law. The republic's authorities, including the police, have seen their position threatened in the same way during candlelight vigils.
Elementary schoolboys mocked riot policemen, and a young mother, wheeling a baby carriage, yelled at a traffic policeman who was blowing his whistle. The Lee administration responded to it all in an extremely timid way. No wonder riot police will not risk their lives in the line of duty.
President Lee was right to apologize for the hasty beef negotiations. But at that instance he should have delivered this right message, as the president, urging people to respond in kind and respect the rule of law. But he didn't. How can government authority be exercised this way? He has never signaled firm displeasure to MBC and KBS.
The problem does not end here. With the authority of the Lee administration lost, the reform programs Lee boasted about are withering on the vine. Opponents to the reform of state-run enterprises are more adamant than ever. Education is helpless before government-controlled standardization. The electronic media are unfettered in spreading mad-cow-disease stories.
The Lee administration must make it clear if, content with occupying the governmental offices, the Cabinet and the legislative majority leave the hegemony the Left exercises in society, culture, education, broadcasting and communications untouched or if it will stake its fate on fulfilling the reforms aimed at improving the country. The former would mean conceding half of its power to the Left; the latter would be a valiant struggle.
If he chooses the former option, President Lee will effectively repeat the lost decade. If he opts for the latter, he must again win the hearts of the 15 million voters who rejected the lost decade. He must also fight the sense of disillusionment on the part of the conservative camp and the disappointment felt by the middle-of-the-roaders. Backed by the support of a majority of them, he must embark on liberal reforms. Will the business-minded Lee, who believes in fights rather than politicking, undertake such a risk? The chances for now are that he will muddle through the next five years.
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