Lee may have defeated the runner-up by the greatest margin in the history of Korea’s presidential elections, but if you consider total voter turnout, only a third of all Koreans actually voted for him. He lost in the Jeolla and Chungcheong regions. That means he faces many potential critics. On top of that, powerful TV companies, fearful of losing their privileges following reforms in the broadcast industry, appear ready to go to war against the new government. The president seems to have failed to recognize the urgency of his situation.

The top priority of the president is to lead the country in a single direction by bridging the gap between Left and Right, different regions, social classes and age groups. Many Koreans have labeled the president’s Cabinet as being made up of rich people representing only the wealthy, land-owning class of Korean society. That label may be malicious and exaggerated to a certain extent, but it does demonstrate the alienation felt by Koreans who do not belong to that class. The president’s Cabinet appointments have actually widened rather than bridged the gap in Korean society.

To carry out a more realistic set of policies, the president must acknowledge the substantial political weight of former GNP leader Park Geun-hye. From the outside, the GNP appears to be a formidable force in the National Assembly. But in reality, if you exclude the numbers of Park loyalists, the party’s power is dwarfed by the opposition. The president faces numerous obstacles in government. He must hold frank talks with the hard-right Liberty Forward Party leader Lee Hoi-chang too. The two must not end up on the same side as the forces that are inciting mad cow disease fears. As the president has said himself, Lee Hoi-chang and Park are no longer his rivals.

If it governs well, the government will be able to regain public confidence. But the present system is not conducive to that. The government must take a close look at how many times it has had to revise significant policies of major concern to the public which were announced without close examination. These acts have led to mistrust in the government and have now made the administration look rather ridiculous in the mad cow scare. The government must take another look at its entire process from the drafting of policies to considering, modifying and announcing them to follow-up measures.

A president needs the close support of his party at least during the early stage of his administration to take the first crucial steps in government. Right now, the government and the GNP are clashing over every little detail. It’s as if the GNP is virtually the main opposition party. The president’s recent meeting with Park clearly demonstrated that his relations with GNP members are worse than his relationship with the opposition. There are a significant number of GNP members who are watching the mad cow upheaval as if they were mere spectators.

It is the role of Cheong Wa Dae’s political affairs office to accurately predict, assess and deal with potential political problems that lie ahead over the next several months or even a year down the road. But this is not happening at the presidential office. The ability of Cheong Wa Dae’s political affairs office can be gauged by the fallout from the awkward meeting between the president and Park. Lee must do something about this, appointing a special advisor or a minister to handle such matters properly. There was talk of this a while back, but not any more.

The president soon marks 100 days in office. He should consider that his true inauguration day. The situation may appear very serious, but it can also be viewed as growing pains if it leads to greater strength in government.