The CIA special report issued on October 11, commented on candidate Yoon Bo-sun.

'(During the May 16 revolution) Yoon failed to mobilize the military to suppress the coup, as he thought the military would support him. He only resigned from the presidency when Park Chung-hee failed to invite him into the government.'

The report said that Park would win the election due to the farmers votes which made up two thirds of the electorate.

'Farmers will support Park Chung-hee because he is no worse than the other candidates or they may think it unreasonable to vote against an incumbent power holder.'

On October 2, Marshall Green, deputy under secretary for far eastern affairs, handed a report titled 'A Study On The Influence Of Communists On The Korean Government', prepared by Gregory Henderson, to Hilsman with an attached memo.

'I have no way to judge the impartiality of this report. In the worst case, Kim Jong-pil could be a dedicated, sleeper communist waiting to hand over South Korea to Pyongyang. In the best case, he may be a venturer without any firm belief using anti-Americanism to maintain power.'

Henderson described why he prepared the report in its introduction.

'Recently the anti-American tendencies of the military government have become quite open and it has refused to mix with us or take advice. The people behind the KCIA are also wielding big sticks and it may be necessary to check their ideology. It is unclear whether the leftist core group in the government are a communist cell or a fraternity of those with previous pro-communist leanings. Their existence will hinder US national interests.

In his summary Henderson commented on Park and his aides.

'There is extensive evidence that the core group of the military government are under the influence of those who instigated rebellion and are leftists, communists or former communists. Park Chung-hee was the central leader of South Korean Workers Party activity infiltrating the army from 1947 to 1948. Kim Jong-pil was a leftist as a student and protected those belonging to the party, maintaining links. Within their families there are several communists, sympathizers and collaborators. Some of Kim's KCIA aides are leftist or communist and they wield considerable influence. Many former communists are among Park's aides and friends, especially in the Republican Party. The ratio of leftists and collaborators in the military government is far higher than others.'

Henderson explained the roots of Park's leftist history as starting in the Manchurian and Japanese military academies.

'Three of Park's alumni from Manchuria later joined his leftist plot. Thirteen of his colleagues in the Japanese academy during his two year stay became communists, nine being junior to him. The must be greatly influenced by him because of the Asian way of looking up to seniors. Eight of the nine joined Park's plot, seven when they were serving as instructors at the Chosun Guard Officer School (later the Korean Military Academy) lost their lives due to their involvement.'

Henderson exaggerated when he said that all his colleagues and subordinates joined the South Korean Workers Party, as he had no evidence to support this. However, it provides a clue as to how Park spent his time as a young officer and how he became a leftist.

Henderson wrote that Park was arrested by Kim Chang-ryong (snake Kim) after the rebellion at Yeosu-Soonchon and was severely tortured. He continued that Park sought amnesty by confessing and listing people he was responsible for. Park guided Kim's investigators to the houses of the people he had named.

'It is impossible to confirm how many Park betrayed, but it must have been around twelve including several of his junior officers. They in turn betrayed others and so hundreds were arrested, tortured and killed.'

This too is an exaggeration as the number of officers discharged or executed were 1,500. Most were innocent and the names were provided by the secretary of Lee Jae-bok, chief organizer of the party in the military. Henderson, however, noted that Park's betrayal was the decisive point in removing the party from the military.

Henderson classified many of the generals in the revolutionary government as leftists, but they were merely discontented with the US government and officials with the former Japanese police who had branded them as malcontents. His report seems almost malicious in its attempt to portray Park and his aides as communist, using the ideological dispute of the political campaign and exaggerating the chaotic pre Korean War situation.

(The photograph is of Gregory Henderson.)

(Cho Gab-je, mongol@chosun.com ; Lee Dong-wook, done@chosun.com )